It was already pointed out (in Part III. 2) that the Unification of Education Law of 1924, while closing down Madrasa, had stipulated Imam-Hatip schools for training the Pastor Preachers who will be needed for religious services. In addition, some twenty of such schools survived until the early thirties. Although there is no clergy class in Islam, there are nevertheless Imam-Hatips who perform comparable services to Christian Masses, Imam is any old and respected member of the community - not a professional - who may be expected on request to lead the praying ritual in the mosque. A Hatip, on the other hand, is the speaker who addresses the congregation gathered in the mosque on Fridays or special occasions. The same person may perform these two functions. Therefore, the Republican purpose behind these schools was to train enlightened and enlightening Muslim scholars. In 1951, these schools were revived as (3+4=) 7 year institutions. The Seventh Educational convention held in 1960 (after the first military intervention) recommended that some 15 of such schools, which were not serving the purposes defined by law, be closed. Instead, in 1962 their numbers went up to 26 (the same number as in the thirties). In 1971 (after the second Military intervention) the Minister of Education Oral, converted them to three-year vocational lycees, above the 3-year middle schools. In 1972-74, only graduates of middle (orta) school were admitted. Under the 1974 coalition government, however, the first cycle of three years was reinstated. The government also decided that general ethics and teachers of religious instruction give morality courses. The preamble of the Fundamental Law of Education enacted in 1973, stipulated several reformative changes in the educational system. First, there was the idea of an uninterrupted “8-year basic education” (by combining the 5-year elementary and the 3-year middle schools). Secondly, a new concept of lycee that would prepare its students (1) for higher education, (2) for life directly (a vocation, industry or services) and (3) both for life and higher education; Thirdly, there was a new and brave proposal for the Imam-Hatip education; it was a logical corollary of the 8-year basic education:

The Imam-Hatips are vocational schools at secondary level for boys- only.

    This was simply because Islam did not permit woman pastors and preachers. It was logical because all technical and vocational education will be built on 8-year, compulsory basic schools.

    Despite this policy recommendation on record, the 1974 coalition government opened the first (orta) cycle and thus reconstructed the original (3+4=) 7-year Imam Hatip school. In 1975, the National Board of Education entrenched behind the Ministry walls (but under the Minister's control) decided that the Imam-Hatip schools were equivalent to general lycees, with all the rights and privileges of a Baccalaureate degree, meaning in effect these Imam-Hatip candidates could apply and attend any or all higher education programs that they may qualify for. Within two years, 230 Imam Hatip schools were opened and a second track of Islamic education was thus created parallel to the secular public education, envisaged by the Unification of Education Law of 1924. The new system was similar to the double track of State (secular) and Al-Azhar (Islamic) schools in Egypt. In the 1995-96 School Year, there were 561 schools with 492 thousand students and 17 thousand teachers. If an Islamic primary school and an Islamic university were added it might rightly be called the “Turkish Al Azhar”. A pseudo-legitimate way was thus found to restore the old Madrasa. In addition to the standard lycee curriculum, Imam-Hatip schools offered 11 to 18 hours of professional (Islamic) studies per week. Not so much the weight of Islamic studies, but the fact that standard lycee (secular) courses that were offered with a built-in Islamic worldview made all the difference. For example the schools would teach modern biology but would not accept evolution. The tenth Convention of National Education held in 1981 recommended that between the ages of 6 to 14, all Turkish students should be given an 8-year basic education. The 1982 Constitution (soon after the third military intervention) came as a blow to secularism. Rather than going to the 8-year basic school, the constitution stipulated religious education starting from 4th grade up, all the way to the end of secondary school. Rather than a general education, or objective information about religion the Sunni (or Orthodox) version of Islam alone was taught. It was a constitutional paradox. Whereas the first paragraph of the constitutional article guaranteed unalienable freedom of conviction and credo, the third paragraph said that religious culture and ethics are compulsory in elementary and secondary educational institutions. In 1984, there were 80 Anadolu Imam Hatip schools instructing Islam in English. In 1990, there were some 70 thousand girls registered in these schools, 50 thousand attending the middle and 20 thousand at the higher level. In the 1989-90, school year, out of 8 thousand graduates less than one thousand (or 12%) applied to the faculties of theology. 2000 registered Kur'an (reading) courses, reminiscent of the Sibyan schools, but under Ministry's supervision. The number went up to 5000, with as many teachers and 150 thousand graduates. The numbers were growing like a snowball. Fanatic Muslim groups deployed in Germany declared themselves the Khaliph of the Islamic State that they have established there. More recently, in a conference on “Turkish Identity”, the Secretary General of the “National” Vision Organisation established in Germany overtly declared that they are not citizens of the Turkish Republic but followers of the Muslim World at large. Their representatives in Turkish politics declared that the voluntary militia (Mujahideen) of the Islamic Restoration or Revival was being trained in the backyards of Imam Hatip Schools.

    The crux of the problem is that radical Islam does not recognise any intermediary identity between Man and God except Islam. Radicals even advocate waging war (jehat) on laicists, on the grounds that they are not Muslims.

    Is this a dress rehearsal for a takeover, as was staged in Iran and Algiers? Many Turks wondered and seemed worried.